The Current Practice Of Health Insurance - 921 Words

The Current Practice of Health Insurance in Ethiopia The practice of health insurance coverage in Ethiopia is limited. Private sector insurance in health is underdeveloped and covers only a small proportion of the population through the Ethiopian Insurance Corporation (EIC) and recently through a few private insurance companies. Beneficiaries of health insurance schemes are a few private organizations and public enterprises. According to NHA III, private health insurance accounts for only 1.1 % of the total health expenditure. (Health Insurance Strategy: FMOH Planning and Program Director; May 2009) Civil servants are also entitled to receive limited health care benefits (50% of the costs, in the case of inpatient care at public†¦show more content†¦The health sector policy gives primary focus to prevention and primary care for the neediest segments of the population, and to Address the predominant public health problems in the country. The major program components Are: Health Service Delivery and Quality of Care; Health Facility Construction, Extension, Equipping and Access; Human Resource Development; Pharmaceutical Services; Information, Education and Communication; HMIS and ME; and Health Care Financing. (Health Insurance Strategy; May 2009) It is clearly stated in the PASDEP that the focus of the program’s health component will be on improving maternal health, reducing child mortality, and combating HIV/AIDS, malaria, TB and Other diseases with the ultimate goal of improving the health status of the Ethiopian people and achieving the Millennium Development Goals. To achieve these goals, 13,635 Health Posts, and 3,200 health centers were constructed and 30,000 HEWs and 5,000 health officers were trained and deployed during the program period. (Health Insurance Strategy; May 2009) Overall, the government is putting its maximum effort into improving the health status of its citizens. The various interventions have resulted in remarkable achievements, mainly from the supply side, by both improving physical access to health care andShow MoreRelatedUniversal Health Care Essay1026 Words   |  5 PagesUnited States without basic healthcare insurance in 2009. It is my position, that a â€Å"Universal Health Plan† is a necessary for the continued integrity of our nation. There are many opponents to the proposal of such a plan. Their arguments are often unfounded and are inflated with biased political hype. Why is healthcare coverage a necessity? Under the current medical practices in the United States, a patient requiring care who does not have insurance, Medicaid, or Medicare would have to findRead MoreBackground Of Affordable Care Act1344 Words   |  6 Pagesfederal statute signed into law by President Barack Obama on March 23, 2010. 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For Private health care insurance you have toRead MoreNursing With The New Heathcare Reform1164 Words   |  5 PagesREFORM 2 Transitioning from the hospital and working for the local department of Health and Human Services as a registered nurse is a dream job. The position is first shift, no required weekends and absolutely no on call. The days of being requested to come â€Å"help on the unit† have completely diminished. Employee insurance is provided with a nominal monthly payment and low copayments for office or emergency care visits. Twelve calendar paid days a yearRead MoreThe Affordable Care Act ( Aca )902 Words   |  4 Pages The Affordable Care Act (ACA) has expanded the choices for different populations, across the nation, to apply for health insurance. Under the ACA, it is a requirement that everyone have health insurance that meets the minimum requirements or they will be charged a fee. For unemployed individuals, often times the price of healthcare is concerning. Without an income people may struggle to come up with the necessary funds to pay for a healthcare plan for either themselv es or their family. The ACARead MoreEssay Health Care Reform1525 Words   |  7 PagesHealth Care Reform There has been a lot of talk and debate lately over Health Care Reform, as people are trying to answer the question – Should a universally accessible health care system be implemented in the United States (US)? This ongoing highly debatable issue remains a hot topic among US citizens from all walks of life, from the very poor to the very wealthy. Health Care Reform affects everyone. The vast majority of the US population is very dissatisfied with the current state of health careRead MoreThe Single Payer Reimbursement System1608 Words   |  7 Pagesis a health care financing system that â€Å"includes both the collection of money for health care and reimbursement of providers for health care costs.† In such a system, the government or a quasi public agency is the entity that bears full responsibility of collecting funds and reimbursing appropriate parties, but the provision of care remains in private hands. Through taxpayer funds, the government collects money from ind ividuals and businesses, and then reimburses providers who delivered health care

The Author to Her Book Free Essays

In Anne Bradstreet’s poem â€Å"The Author to Her Book† she expresses her attitude of being embarrassed because sees so many flaws and mistakes in her writing, as a parent may see in their child but loving and apologetic because it is her own and she can’t make it better. Bradstreet’s use of the extended metaphor of the book being her offspring expresses her attitudes of embarrassment and love. The first metaphor is of her book to a child, this is the controlling metaphor. We will write a custom essay sample on The Author to Her Book or any similar topic only for you Order Now The first line: â€Å"Thou ill-formed offspring of my feeble mind. . . † shows distaste for the book but more importantly compares the book to being a child of her own. On line 8, â€Å". . . my rambling brat (in print) should mother call. . . † she shows another view of her writing as a brat and herself as its mother. Finally, the entire last paragraph starting on line 20 â€Å"In critic’s hands . . . thee out the door† she very forwardly expresses that she is the mother of her book. She uses her controlling metaphor to help express her attitudes. Bradstreet’s attitude of embarrassment shows through her words quite vividly. She first talks about being embarrassed on line 7 â€Å"At thy return my blushing was not small. . . She is embarrassed to know people read her book. She didn’t want to have her book sent out but her friends took it from her. â€Å"Till snatched from thence by friends. . . †-line 3. She does not think her â€Å"offspring† is ready to be exposed to the real world. She wants to keep it hidden with her from the world. â€Å"I cast thee by as one unfit for light. . . †- line 9 . Bradstreet’s embarrassment comes from her â€Å"offspring† being â€Å"unfit† for the world to see and the flaws that she sees. Although she is embarrassed by her â€Å"offspring† she also has a love only a mother could have for a child. On line 12 she says â€Å"Yet being mine own. At length affection would thy blemishes amend. . . † She hopes that her love will help her â€Å"offspring† to become something to be proud of. â€Å"I washed thy face but more defects I saw. . . † on line 13. Here Bradstreet is trying her best to fix her â€Å"offspring† and make up to be something it just may not be. Although, she does love her â€Å"offspring† and although she is unhappy with it she soon has no choice but to send it out. â€Å"And for thy Mother, she alas is poor, which caused her thus to send thee out the door†- line 23. At this point she knows that it is not up to her standards but she has no other choice but to send out her â€Å"offspring† to help make her a living. Her attitude of loving shows in trying to do what’s best but she soon realizes that she has what she has. Anne Bradstreet loves her book solely because it is her own, but that may also be why she sees the flaws in it. She only wants to do what’s best for her â€Å"offspring† and tries to accomplish something but only sees more to fix. All throughout her poem, the extended metaphor is repeated, line after line, from the opening to the end, to convey her complex attitude. How to cite The Author to Her Book, Essay examples

On the First Lady do not do that Review Essay Example

On the First Lady do not do that Review Paper Essay on On the First Lady do not do that As is well known book publishers, while Christopher Taylor Buckley worked as a speechwriter during the administration of George Chicken feet Bush (ie, older). This fact like to mention on the covers of his presidential novels. However, in the case of first lady do not do that, the fact of biography has played with well-deserved master of humor cruel joke. If in the novel The turmoil in the white house Jumble of wacky and absurd stories, things happening at Pennsylvania Avenue, 1600 was really stupidly funny, the First Lady is an absurd situation and its development seems to exist for quite alleged dolbanutoy logic of our world. So what of the Lady was more realistic novel with pretensions to Hochma. But, whether Buckley bit exhausted, or realism interpreted the rules not so funny happened this book. Most of the jokes are either too standard for such an author like Buckley, or too clumsy, like a hunted Buckley writer stand-up gum. The White House commotion. Early the next morning, in his bed, he was found dead president McMann. The main suspect in the murder of a political First Lady. Future litigation expects to become legal proceedings millennium. The audience froze at the TV screens. Judge nicknamed The Dutchman puts the hammer avdokat nicknamed squirt is preparing to defend the First Lady (part his former fiancee) in Arlington, with a clear imprint on his forehead the mark of ancient spittoon rests president, which could give a nickname -. womanizer The first volume of the book. About 600 pages, which are drawn sometimes as wearily as the process of the Millennium, which the court will surely be a long and not easy. Secondly, humor (well, for it was already above). The only worthwhile joke, in my opinion, is the carrier name Tom Clancy. The others revolve around the worn satirical pins against lawyers. Third, the precarious balance between realism and absurdity of the situation. For my taste, it would be better Buckley allowed himself to blow in a frank farce. Fourth, small personal niggle, resurrection wonderful character copyright PR manager Nick Naylor the main hero of the novel Thank You for Smoking. In carrying out the pages of The Lady secondary role he looks fool that a) unfairly; b) is not fair to those who have read and loved Thank You for Smoking. We will write a custom essay sample on On the First Lady do not do that Review specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on On the First Lady do not do that Review specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on On the First Lady do not do that Review specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer But the true victory of the novel I would call the image of the First Lady is ideally nicknamed Lady BetMak (derived from the name, a hint at, you know who) themselves. Perhaps this is the best female character that Ive seen in books, recently In general, my personal conclusion:. At Buckley remarkably turns to write about professional fields (tobacco lobby in Thank You for Smoking and exchange -dushespastielnoe in Lord my broker). But the White House is slightly duller. But, in any case, is not it, to turn away from this wonderful laughers.

Free Essays on What Can We Learn About Hamlet Solely From The Speeches Of The Other Characters

What can we learn about Hamlet solely from the speeches of the other characters? We first start to learn about what others thought of Hamlet when in act 1 scene 3 Laertes warns Ophelia about getting too involved with Hamlet, because he toys with passion, saying that â€Å"perhaps he loves you now†(Ln 14) and that â€Å"his will is not his own. For he himself is subject to his birth† (Ln 17-18). As Hamlet is the prince, he does not have full control over his choice in marriage. Polonius also warns her off him unless he can offer more. Polonius thinks that Hamlet’s madness could be attributed to the love for his daughter Ophelia, after she came and told Polonius that Hamlet frightened her by his strange behaviour and appearance while she was in her closet sewing. Polonius thinks that â€Å"This is the very ecstasy of love† (Act 2 Sc1 Ln 102). He then feels bad because he instructed Ophelia to reject all Hamlet’s letters and to deny him access to her. Polonius subsequently comes to the conclusion â€Å"That hath made him mad.†(Ln 10) then goes off with Ophelia to tell the king of his findings. Gertrude doubts Polonius’s discovery and thinks the death of the King Hamlets father and her hasty marriage to his brother Claudius, is the cause of Hamlet’s â€Å"distemper†. In act 3 Claudius is talking to Rosencrantz and Guildenstern who he has brought in to spy on Hamlet, to find out what the cause is of his disposition, and in Sc 1 Ln7 Guildenstern reveals that he thinks Hamlet is playing them all â€Å"with a crafty madness†. Claudius then seems happy with the knowledge that Hamlet is delighted that the players are coming, saying â€Å"and it doth much content me to hear him so inclined† (Sc 1 Ln 24-25) They then go on to put Polonius’s theory to the test by setting Ophelia up to meet with Hamlet, when Gertrude expresses to Ophelia â€Å"I do wish that your good beauties be the happy cause of Hamlets wildness; so shall I hope y... Free Essays on What Can We Learn About Hamlet Solely From The Speeches Of The Other Characters Free Essays on What Can We Learn About Hamlet Solely From The Speeches Of The Other Characters What can we learn about Hamlet solely from the speeches of the other characters? We first start to learn about what others thought of Hamlet when in act 1 scene 3 Laertes warns Ophelia about getting too involved with Hamlet, because he toys with passion, saying that â€Å"perhaps he loves you now†(Ln 14) and that â€Å"his will is not his own. For he himself is subject to his birth† (Ln 17-18). As Hamlet is the prince, he does not have full control over his choice in marriage. Polonius also warns her off him unless he can offer more. Polonius thinks that Hamlet’s madness could be attributed to the love for his daughter Ophelia, after she came and told Polonius that Hamlet frightened her by his strange behaviour and appearance while she was in her closet sewing. Polonius thinks that â€Å"This is the very ecstasy of love† (Act 2 Sc1 Ln 102). He then feels bad because he instructed Ophelia to reject all Hamlet’s letters and to deny him access to her. Polonius subsequently comes to the conclusion â€Å"That hath made him mad.†(Ln 10) then goes off with Ophelia to tell the king of his findings. Gertrude doubts Polonius’s discovery and thinks the death of the King Hamlets father and her hasty marriage to his brother Claudius, is the cause of Hamlet’s â€Å"distemper†. In act 3 Claudius is talking to Rosencrantz and Guildenstern who he has brought in to spy on Hamlet, to find out what the cause is of his disposition, and in Sc 1 Ln7 Guildenstern reveals that he thinks Hamlet is playing them all â€Å"with a crafty madness†. Claudius then seems happy with the knowledge that Hamlet is delighted that the players are coming, saying â€Å"and it doth much content me to hear him so inclined† (Sc 1 Ln 24-25) They then go on to put Polonius’s theory to the test by setting Ophelia up to meet with Hamlet, when Gertrude expresses to Ophelia â€Å"I do wish that your good beauties be the happy cause of Hamlets wildness; so shall I hope y...

President John F. Kennedy Gives Man on the Moon Speech

President John F. Kennedy Gives Man on the Moon Speech President John F. Kennedy delivered this speech, Special Message to the Congress on Urgent National Needs, on May 25, 1961 before a joint session of Congress. In this speech, JFK stated that the United States should set as a goal the landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the earth by the end of the decade. Acknowledging that the Soviets had a head start in their space program, Kennedy urged the U.S. to work diligently to lead the achievements of space travel because in many ways [it] may hold the key to our future on earth. Full Text of the Man on the Moon Speech Given By President John F. Kennedy Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, my copartners in Government, gentlemen-and ladies: The Constitution imposes upon me the obligation to from time to time give to the Congress information of the State of the Union. While this has traditionally been interpreted as an annual affair, this tradition has been broken in extraordinary times. These are extraordinary times. And we face an extraordinary challenge. Our strength as well as our convictions have imposed upon this nation the role of leader in freedoms cause. No role in history could be more difficult or more important. We stand for freedom. That is our conviction for ourselvesthat is our only commitment to others. No friend, no neutral and no adversary should think otherwise. We are not against any manor any nationor any systemexcept as it is hostile to freedom. Nor am I here to present a new military doctrine, bearing any one name or aimed at any one area. I am here to promote the freedom doctrine. I. THE GLOBAL STAGE The great battleground for the defense and expansion of freedom today is the whole southern half of the globeAsia, Latin America, Africa and the Middle Eastthe lands of the rising peoples. Their revolution is the greatest in human history. They seek an end to injustice, tyranny, and exploitation. More than an end, they seek a beginning. And theirs is a revolution which we would support regardless of the Cold War, and regardless of which political or economic route they should choose to freedom. For the adversaries of freedom did not create the revolution; nor did they create the conditions which compel it. But they are seeking to ride the crest of its waveto capture it for themselves. Yet their aggression is more often concealed than open. They have fired no missiles; and their troops are seldom seen. They send arms, agitators, aid, technicians and propaganda to every troubled area. But where fighting is required, it is usually done by othersby guerrillas striking at night, by assassins striking aloneassassins who have taken the lives of four thousand civil officers in the last twelve months in Vietnam aloneby subversives and saboteurs and insurrectionists, who in some cases control whole areas inside of independent nations. [At this point the following paragraph, which appears in the text as signed and transmitted to the Senate and House of Representatives, was omitted in the reading of the message: They possess a powerful intercontinental striking force, large forces for conventional war, a well-trained underground in nearly every country, the power to conscript talent and manpower for any purpose, the capacity for quick decisions, a closed society without dissent or free information, and long experience in the techniques of violence and subversion. They make the most of their scientific successes, their economic progress and their pose as a foe of colonialism and friend of popular revolution. They prey on unstable or unpopular governments, unsealed, or unknown boundaries, unfilled hopes, convulsive change, massive poverty, illiteracy, unrest and frustration.] With these formidable weapons, the adversaries of freedom plan to consolidate their territoryto exploit, to control, and finally to destroy the hopes of the worlds newest nations; and they have ambition to do it before the end of this decade. It is a contest of will and purpose as well as force and violencea battle for minds and souls as well as lives and territory. And in that contest, we cannot stand aside. We stand, as we have always stood from our earliest beginnings, for the independence and equality of all nations. This nation was born of revolution and raised in freedom. And we do not intend to leave an open road for despotism. There is no single simple policy which meets this challenge. Experience has taught us that no one nation has the power or the wisdom to solve all the problems of the world or manage its revolutionary tidesthat extending our commitments does not always increase our securitythat any initiative carries with it the risk of a temporary defeatthat nuclear weapons cannot prevent subversionthat no free people can be kept free without will and energy of their ownand that no two nations or situations are exactly alike. Yet there is much we can doand must do. The proposals I bring before you are numerous and varied. They arise from the host of special opportunities and dangers which have become increasingly clear in recent months. Taken together, I believe that they can mark another step forward in our effort as a people. I am here to ask the help of this Congress and the nation in approving these necessary measures. II. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS AT HOME The first and basic task confronting this nation this year was to turn recession into recovery. An affirmative anti-recession program, initiated with your cooperation, supported the natural forces in the private sector; and our economy is now enjoying renewed confidence and energy. The recession has been halted. Recovery is under way. But the task of abating unemployment and achieving a full use of our resources does remain a serious challenge for us all. Large-scale unemployment during a recession is bad enough, but large-scale unemployment during a period of prosperity would be intolerable. I am therefore transmitting to the Congress a new Manpower Development and Training program, to train or retrain several hundred thousand workers, particularly in those areas where we have seen chronic unemployment as a result of technological factors in new occupational skills over a four-year period, in order to replace those skills made obsolete by automation and industrial change with the new skills which the new processes demand. It should be a satisfaction to us all that we have made great strides in restoring world confidence in the dollar, halting the outflow of gold and improving our balance of payments. During the last two months, our gold stocks actually increased by seventeen million dollars, compared to a loss of 635 million dollars during the last two months of 1960. We must maintain this progressand this will require the cooperation and restraint of everyone. As recovery progresses, there will be temptations to seek unjustified price and wage increases. These we cannot afford. They will only handicap our efforts to compete abroad and to achieve full recovery here at home. Labor and management mustand I am confident that they willpursue responsible wage and price policies in these critical times. I look to the Presidents Advisory Committee on  Labor Management  Policy to give a strong lead in this direction. Moreover, if the  budget deficit  now increased by the needs of our security is to be held within manageable proportions, it will be necessary to hold tightly to prudent fiscal standards; and I request the cooperation of the Congress in this regardto refrain from adding funds or programs, desirable as they may be, to the Budgetto end the postal deficit, as my predecessor also recommended, through increased ratesa deficit incidentally, this year, which exceeds the fiscal 1962 cost of all the space and defense measures that I am submitting todayto provide full pay-as-you-go highway financingand to close those tax loopholes earlier specified. Our security and progress cannot be cheaply purchased; and their price must be found in what we all forego as well as what we all must pay. III. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS ABROAD I stress the strength of our economy because it is essential to the strength of our nation. And what is true in our case is true in the case of other countries. Their strength in the struggle for freedom depends on the strength of their economic and their social progress. We would be badly mistaken to consider their problems in military terms alone. For no amount of arms and armies can help stabilize those governments which are unable or unwilling to achieve social and economic reform and development. Military pacts cannot help nations whose social injustice and economic chaos invite insurgency and penetration and subversion. The most skillful counter-guerrilla efforts cannot succeed where the local population is too caught up in its own misery to be concerned about the advance of communism. But for those who share this view, we stand ready now, as we have in the past, to provide generously of our skills, and our capital, and our food to assist the peoples of the less-developed nations to reach their goals in freedomto help them before they are engulfed in crisis. This is also our great opportunity in 1961. If we grasp it, then subversion to prevent its success is exposed as an unjustifiable attempt to keep these nations from either being free or equal. But if we do not pursue it, and if they do not pursue it, the bankruptcy of unstable governments, one by one, and of unfilled hopes will surely lead to a series of totalitarian receiverships. Earlier in the year, I outlined to the Congress a new program for aiding emerging nations; and it is my intention to transmit shortly draft legislation to implement this program, to establish a new Act for International Development, and to add to the figures previously requested, in view of the swift pace of critical events, an additional 250 million dollars for a Presidential Contingency Fund, to be used only upon a Presidential determination in each case, with regular and complete reports to the Congress in each case, when there is a sudden and extraordinary drain upon our regular funds which we cannot foreseeas illustrated by recent events in Southeast Asiaand it makes necessary the use of this emergency reserve. The total amount requestednow raised to 2.65 billion dollarsis both minimal and crucial. I do not see how anyone who is concernedas we all areabout the growing threats to freedom around the globeand who is asking what more we can do as a peoplecan weaken or oppose the sin gle most important program available for building the frontiers of freedom. IV. TOOLS FOR A GLOBAL STRUGGLE All that I have said makes it clear that we are engaged in a world-wide struggle in which we bear a heavy burden to preserve and promote the ideals that we share with all mankind, or have alien ideals forced upon them. That struggle has highlighted the role of our Information Agency. It is essential that the funds previously requested for this effort be not only approved in full but increased by 2 million, 400 thousand dollars, to a total of 121 million dollars. This new request is for additional radio and television to Latin America and Southeast Asia. These tools are particularly effective and essential in the cities and villages of those great continents as a means of reaching millions of uncertain peoples to tell them of our interest in their fight for freedom. In Latin America, we are proposing to increase our Spanish and Portuguese broadcasts to a total of 154 hours a week, compared to 42 hours today, none of which is in Portuguese, the language of about one-third of the people of South America. The Soviets, Red Chinese and satellites already broadcast into Latin America more than 134 hours a week in Spanish and Portuguese. Communist China alone does more public information broadcasting in our own hemisphere than we do. Moreover, powerful propaganda broadcasts from Havana now are heard throughout Latin America, encouraging new revolutions in several countries. Similarly, in Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand, we must communicate our determination and support to those upon whom our hopes for resisting the communist tide in that continent ultimately depend. Our interest is in the truth. V. OUR PARTNERSHIP FOR SELF-DEFENSE But while we talk of sharing and building and the competition of ideas, others talk of arms and threaten war. So we have learned to keep our defenses strongand to cooperate with others in a partnership of self-defense. The events of recent weeks have caused us to look anew at these efforts. The center of freedoms defense is our network of world alliances, extending from NATO, recommended by a  Democratic President  and approved by a Republican Congress, to SEATO, recommended by a  Republican President  and approved by a Democratic Congress. These alliances were constructed in the 1940s and 1950sit is our task and responsibility in the 1960s to strengthen them. To meet the changing conditions of powerand power relationships have changedwe have endorsed an increased emphasis on NATOs conventional strength. At the same time we are affirming our conviction that the NATO nuclear deterrent must also be kept strong. I have made clear our intention to commit to the NATO command, for this purpose, the 5 Polaris submarines originally suggested by  President Eisenhower, with the possibility, if needed, of more to come. Second, a major part of our partnership for self-defense is the Military Assistance Program. The main burden of local defense against local attack, subversion, insurrection or guerrilla warfare must of necessity rest with local forces. Where these forces have the necessary will and capacity to cope with such threats, our intervention is rarely necessary or helpful. Where the will is present and only capacity is lacking, our Military Assistance Program can be of help. But this program, like economic assistance, needs a new emphasis. It cannot be extended without regard to the social, political and military reforms essential to internal respect and stability. The equipment and training provided must be tailored to legitimate local needs and to our own foreign and military policies, not to our supply of military stocks or a local leaders desire for military display. And military assistance can, in addition to its military purposes, make a contribution to economic progress, as do our own Army Engineers. In an earlier message, I requested 1.6 billion dollars for Military Assistance, stating that this would maintain existing force levels, but that I could not foresee how much more might be required. It is now clear that this is not enough. The present crisis in Southeast Asia, on which the  Vice President  has made a valuable reportthe rising threat of communism in  Latin Americathe increased arms traffic in Africaand all the new pressures on every nation found on the map by tracing your fingers along the borders of the Communist bloc in Asia and the Middle Eastall make clear the dimension of our needs. I therefore request the Congress to provide a total of 1.885 billion dollars for Military Assistance in the coming fiscal yearan amount less than that requested a year agobut a minimum which must be assured if we are to help those nations make secure their independence. This must be prudently and wisely spentand that will be our common endeavor. Military and economic assistance has been a heavy burden on our citizens for a long time, and I recognize the strong pressures against it; but this battle is far from over, it is reaching a crucial stage, and I believe we should participate in it. We cannot merely state our opposition to totalitarian advance without paying the price of helping those now under the greatest pressure. VI. OUR OWN MILITARY AND INTELLIGENCE SHIELD In line with these developments, I have directed a further reinforcement of our own capacity to deter or resist non-nuclear aggression. In the conventional field, with one exception, I find no present need for large new levies of men. What is needed is rather a change of position to give us still further increases in flexibility. Therefore, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to undertake a reorganization and modernization of the Armys divisional structure, to increase its non-nuclear firepower, to improve its tactical mobility in any environment, to insure its flexibility to meet any direct or indirect threat, to facilitate its coordination with our major allies, and to provide more modern mechanized divisions in Europe and bring their equipment up to date, and new airborne brigades in both the Pacific and Europe. And secondly, I am asking the Congress for an additional 100 million dollars to begin the procurement task necessary to re-equip this new Army structure with the most modern material. New helicopters, new armored personnel carriers, and new howitzers, for example, must be obtained now. Third, I am directing the Secretary of Defense to expand rapidly and substantially, in cooperation with our Allies, the orientation of existing forces for the conduct of non-nuclear war, paramilitary operations and sub-limited or unconventional wars. In addition our special forces and unconventional warfare units will be increased and reoriented. Throughout the services new emphasis must be placed on the special skills and languages which are required to work with local populations. Fourth, the Army is developing plans to make possible a much more rapid deployment of a major portion of its highly trained reserve forces. When these plans are completed and the reserve is strengthened, two combat-equipped divisions, plus their supporting forces, a total of 89,000 men, could be ready in an emergency for operations with but 3 weeks notice2 more divisions with but 5 weeks noticeand six additional divisions and their supporting forces, making a total of 10 divisions, could be deployable with less than 8 weeks notice. In short, these new plans will allow us to almost double the combat power of the Army in less than two months, compared to the nearly nine months heretofore required. Fifth, to enhance the already formidable ability of the Marine Corps to respond to limited war emergencies, I am asking the Congress for 60 million dollars to increase the Marine Corps strength to 190,000 men. This will increase the initial impact and staying power of our three Marine divisions and three air wings, and provide a trained nucleus for further expansion, if necessary for self-defense. Finally, to cite one other area of activities that are both legitimate and necessary as a means of self-defense in an age of hidden perils, our whole intelligence effort must be reviewed, and its coordination with other elements of policy assured. The Congress and the American people are entitled to know that we will institute whatever new organization, policies, and control are necessary. VII. CIVIL DEFENSE One major element of the  national security program  which this nation has never squarely faced up to is civil defense. This problem arises not from present trends but from national inaction in which most of us have participated. In the past decade we have intermittently considered a variety of programs, but we have never adopted a consistent policy. Public considerations have been largely characterized by apathy, indifference and skepticism; while, at the same time, many of the civil defense plans have been so far-reaching and unrealistic that they have not gained essential support. This Administration has been looking hard at exactly what civil defense can and cannot do. It cannot be obtained cheaply. It cannot give an assurance of blast protection that will be proof against surprise attack or guaranteed against obsolescence or destruction. And it cannot deter a nuclear attack. We will deter an enemy from making a nuclear attack only if our retaliatory power is so strong and so invulnerable that he knows he would be destroyed by our response. If we have that strength, civil defense is not needed to deter an attack. If we should ever lack it, civil defense would not be an adequate substitute. But this deterrent concept assumes rational calculations by rational men. And the history of this planet, and particularly the history of the 20th century, is sufficient to remind us of the possibilities of an irrational attack, a miscalculation, an accidental war, [or a war of escalation in which the stakes by each side gradually increase to the point of maximum danger] which cannot be either foreseen or deterred. It is on this basis that civil defense can be readily justifiableas insurance for the civilian population in case of an enemy miscalculation. It is insurance we trust will never be neededbut insurance which we could never forgive ourselves for foregoing in the event of catastrophe. Once the validity of this concept is recognized, there is no point in delaying the initiation of a nation-wide long-range program of identifying present fallout shelter capacity and providing shelter in new and existing structures. Such a program would protect millions of people against the hazards of radioactive fallout in the event of large-scale nuclear attack. Effective performance of the entire program not only requires new legislative authority and more funds but also sound organizational arrangements. Therefore, under the authority vested in me by Reorganization Plan No. 1 of 1958, I am assigning responsibility for this program to the top civilian authority already responsible for continental defense, the Secretary of Defense. It is important that this function remain civilian, in nature and leadership; and this feature will not be changed. The Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization will be reconstituted as a small staff agency to assist in the coordination of these functions. To more accurately describe its role, its title should be changed to the Office of Emergency Planning. As soon as those newly charged with these responsibilities have prepared new authorization and appropriation requests, such requests will be transmitted to the Congress for a much-strengthened Federal-State civil defense program. Such a program will provide Federal funds for identifying fallout shelter capacity in existing, structures, and it will include, where appropriate, incorporation of shelter in Federal buildings, new requirements for shelter in buildings constructed with  Federal assistance, and matching grants and other incentives for constructing shelter in State and local and private buildings. Federal appropriations for civil defense in fiscal 1962 under this program will in all likelihood be more than triple the pending budget requests; and they will increase sharply in subsequent years. Financial participation will also be required from State and local governments and from private citizens. But no insurance is cost-free; and every American citizen and his community must decide for themselves whether this form of survival insurance justifies the expenditure of effort, time and money. For myself, I am convinced that it does. VIII. DISARMAMENT I cannot end this discussion of defense and armaments without emphasizing our strongest hope: the creation of an orderly world where disarmament will be possible. Our aims do not prepare for warthey are efforts to discourage and resist the adventures of others that could end in war. That is why it is consistent with these efforts that we continue to press for properly safeguarded disarmament measures. At Geneva, in cooperation with the United Kingdom, we have put forward concrete proposals to make clear our wish to meet the Soviets half way in an effective nuclear test ban treatythe first significant but essential step on the road towards disarmament. Up to now, their response has not been what we hoped, but Mr. Dean returned last night to Geneva, and we intend to go the last mile in patience to secure this gain if we can.

Astr hw4 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Astr hw4 - Essay Example With the use of the VLA, the remnant G 1.9 and 0.3 that was small in size exploded while near to the center of the galaxy. The result was a source of a supernova explosion that happened 400 years ago. After a period of twenty two years, another explosion of the remnant occurred. It was a bit larger by 16 percent than the other supernova explosions. With the information it s true that the galaxy is becoming deficient in the production of the supernova in the last years. 2. The theory concerning the origin of water is believed that water was released from the volcanoes that were transformed to be asteroids and meteoroids. In the first theory that is related to the activity of the volcanic. It suggested that the earth had cooled leading to a recombination of the cooled elements. In the elements there existed hydrogen that split to form hydrocarbons of methane, and oxygen. The elements were carried into the air by the magma of hydrogen to create a combination of water droplets. The theory better explains the water accumulated on the surface but it does not explain seventy percent of the water sources. The second theory explains more claiming water to be formed by comets of earth-grazing. On the surface of the universe there exist water molecules at the nebulae. On the same note, water found at the universe is not the same as the one found at sea. The comets water has got deuterium levels (In Nollet & In De, 2013). 3. The snowball earth is a theory that tries to explain one of the coldest climates on earth. This is a planet that is completely covered with the ice that is glacial having a temperature of around -50 degrees. This is because the radiation of the sun connects back to the earth’s space. The evidence for the theory includes the distribution of both the Sturtian and Marinoan globally that form carbon isotope at the seawater. The marine deposits are also connected to the limestone at the surface of the ocean. The presence of the irons and deposits

The Politics of the Hijab Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

The Politics of the Hijab - Case Study Example da is constitutionally and professedly a multicultural nation that supports religious and cultural diversity, actually speaking Canada is not that tolerant of the religious rights of minority communities. In that context Hijab relates to the assertion of political, cultural and gender identity in a Canadian context. The young Muslim women in Canada see Hijab as an umbilical cord that ties them to their culture and endows them with community acceptance and sustenance, as they move out in the larger Canadian society to eke out their identity at their own terms. Hijab allows women to deny the patriarchal practices typical to their culture of origin while allowing them to solicit familial and community support as they adapt to the Western way of life. Many young Canadian Muslim women also use Hijab to assert their cultural identity in a society dominated by majority norms and as an expression of their religious pity, modesty and political beliefs. Thereby, Hijab is not a monolithic symbol of patriarchal oppression, but carries a range of meanings and implications. It is true that Hijab is used as a way of oppressing women in many totalitarian Muslim nations (Lazreg, 2009). Yet, using this fact to assign a singular meaning related to patriarchal dominance to Hijab is unjust and wrong (Elver, 2012). Many a times some sections of the majority community in Canada associate simplistically derogatory meanings with Hijab, not because they care about women rights, but because the Hijab stands out as a potent symbol of a minority culture and identity. It sounds really modern to use the ploy of women rights, while demeaning a symbol of minority identity and religion (Scott, 2007). There are also sections of the majority community who do genuinely believe that the Hijab worn by the young Muslim women in Canada conveys their surrender before the patriarchal domination. This is actually a gross misconception. For many young Muslim women in Canada, Hijab is a thing that keeps